Mr Chairman,
Honourable Parliamentarians,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

At the beginning of May, 50 young Europeans will embark on a week-long journey of discovery that will take them here to the Council of Europe in Strasbourg and to various towns in Switzerland. On 6 May they will join in Switzerland’s celebrations to mark the country’s 50-year membership of the Council of Europe.

Why 6 May? Because it was on that date back in 1963 when Switzerland officially became the 17th member of the Council of Europe. Of course, it is only right and proper to celebrate such a milestone. So, on behalf of the Federal Council, let me begin by thanking you, the Parliamentary Assembly, for allowing me to mark this important occasion here in Strasbourg. For Switzerland, this anniversary is an opportunity to look to what we can achieve in the future rather than to dwell on what we have achieved over the past 50 years.

It is precisely this future that we want to be able to see in the eyes of the next generation of Europeans. Switzerland has invited 50 young people from 11 European countries, including the newest members of the Council of Europe, to spend a week together in Switzerland and Strasbourg.

The week which these 50 young people from Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Georgia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Moldavia, Serbia, Ukraine, and Russia will spend together will be a time of discovery, learning, and reflection. Together, we shall discuss democracy, human rights, justice, the rule of law, federalism, and the protection of minorities. During their time in Switzerland, they will travel to Bern, Delémont, Zurich, Lucerne, and Fribourg, where, on 6 May, we shall celebrate Switzerland’s 50-year membership of the Council of Europe at an event attended by Secretary-General Thorbjørn Jagland.

They will also have an opportunity to watch democracy in action during a trip to Glarus. Here they will attend the traditional Landsgemeinde, or popular assembly. Last year, I had the pleasure of attending this exercise in direct democracy with the Austrian Foreign Minister.

The Landsgemeinde, ladies and gentlemen, truly is democracy in action: an entire community converges on the village square to spend four hours in the driving rain, discussing a range of issues, voicing opinions, listening respectfully to the views of others, and collectively making decisions. On display for our young guests – the Europeans of tomorrow – will be the beating heart of Swiss democracy.

These 50 young people, as well as the friends they have made during their time in Switzerland and in Strasbourg are the future of Europe.
It is by looking into their eyes that we shall see the Europe of tomorrow, the Europe that we want them to inherit: a Europe of peace, democracy, openness, security, and prosperity.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Politics is about building a country, building a Europe, building a better world for future generations; it is about offering the young opportunities and allowing them to grasp them. To quote the Swiss philosopher Denis de Rougemont, a fellow native of Neuchâtel and European: “Politics is about empowering the future.” It was this thinking – building a future for the young, by the young – which prompted Switzerland to join the Council of Europe on 6 May 1963, and which has helped it to remain a committed member for 50 years.

First, I would like to talk about Switzerland and its understanding of democracy, the rule of law, and freedom, before turning my attention to the Council of Europe and the important role it has played in developing the continent as a whole, including Switzerland. I shall finish with a look at Switzerland’s commitment to Europe and beyond, before briefly setting out our vision for the years ahead.

1. Democracy, the rule of law and freedom according to Switzerland

The individual role of European countries and relations between the country and the rest of Europe are subjects of democratic debate across the continent.

This debate takes place against the wider backdrop of accelerating globalisation, shifts in the existing balance, and the emergence of new global centres.

Yet, this debate is also informed by concerns much closer to home, namely European integration, which by its very nature, happens at different speeds and takes different forms. For example, some EU Member States are part of the Euro zone, others are not; some EU Member States have not acceded to the Schengen area (or done so only partially), while others like Switzerland, though not part of the European Union, are fully signed up members. In contrast, almost every country on the continent of Europe is a member of the Council of Europe.

The relationship with Europe and its institutions is a subject for debate and reflection. This is, of course, a healthy state of affairs and proof-positive that democracy is still alive and well. Switzerland is a good case in a point. After all, it is a country where direct democracy is routinely practised. Admittedly, the Landsgemeinde is not a daily occurrence (torrential rain or not!). Instead, direct democracy is lived every day by the people of Switzerland, and at least four times a year they are called upon to register their vote.

Switzerland is the only country in Europe which held a popular referendum on successive enlargements of the European Union, including the Agreement on the Free Movement of Persons. On both occasions, the Swiss electorate gave its approval. A further referendum is likely to be held after Croatia joins the EU in July of this year. Switzerland has a longstanding and lively tradition of public and democratic debate.

Given its origins, the historical development of its institutional and political framework, not to mention its geography - in the heart of Europe and at the crossroads of three major European cultures – Switzerland is well-accustomed to dealing with issues that touch on the question of European identity. Perhaps this is why Switzerland quickly emerged as a state whose structure and political practices are not dissimilar to those of the Europe now being built.

Switzerland’s first Federal Constitution dates back to 1848, a time when most of the continent of Europe was in the throes of revolution. It was one of only a handful of countries where liberal, democratic, and republican ideas managed to take a firm hold that has endured without interruption to this day. Since 1848, the Constitution has undergone two major revisions. Yet, the main tenets of the original text remain in force today. It was the 1848 Constitution which established limited, decentralised, and shared power in Switzerland.

Power in Switzerland is limited in the sense that personal initiative, individual freedom, and self-determination play a crucial role.

Even our authorities are organised according to this principle. Political engagement in Switzerland is largely an act of volunteering, with many political representatives carrying out their duties on a part-time basis. Also, great swathes of policy, particularly on employment, are shaped not by legislation or public policy in general, but by the “social partnership”, in other words through dialogue between unions and employers.

Power in Switzerland is decentralised by virtue of the subsidiarity principle. The Federal Constitution assigns only specific duties to the federal state. All other tasks and duties are considered, by default, to be the responsibility of the cantons.

Finally, power in Switzerland is fragmented, because executive power is not in one pair of hands but held collectively by a collegial council. The Federal Council jointly decides on questions of major importance, and every year a different member of the Council assumes the role of president. This system, which is also applied by the cantonal and municipal governments, ensures that power is depersonalised.

During the second half of the 19th century, Switzerland added a vital cog to its institutional machinery: semi-direct democracy. This system, which also exists at cantonal and municipal levels, places further restrictions on the power of the executive and legislative branches of government. In Switzerland, it is the “sovereign” people who have the highest political authority.

The solution that Switzerland has devised combines liberalism, federalism, and direct democracy, with its corollary: a system of consensus politics.

Within this system, the promotion and protection of human rights, democracy, peace, and the rule of law have become part of the country’s DNA.

Over the years, additional core values, such as combating poverty and environmental protection, have been enshrined in the Swiss Constitution.

The Swiss are proud to uphold this system.

While Switzerland took some time before deciding to join certain large international organisations like the Council of Europe and the United Nations, it fully shared the values upheld by these organisations. Switzerland delayed its membership for two reasons. The first was to protect its cherished neutrality status in a world that was deeply divided. The second was due to the simple fact that the wheels of a direct democracy turn more slowly, which is not always conducive to swift decision-making.

Switzerland is the only country in the world to have held a referendum on UN membership. The first took place in 1986, at the height of the Cold War. It was overwhelmingly rejected by 75% of Swiss voters. By the time the second, and successful, referendum was held in 2002, the world was a different place: the Cold War had been consigned to the history books, and the UN had become a truly universal organisation.

Today, Switzerland is at ease with its membership in the UN, an organisation that provides it with a platform to defend its values and interests worldwide. Indeed, Switzerland has applied for a seat on the UN Security Council in 2022.

It also took Switzerland some time to come round to the idea of joining the Council of Europe. We first wanted to make sure that it was not an organisation made up of opposing blocs, but one in which members worked together to promote a set of common values.

Over time, Switzerland saw in the Council of Europe an organisation that could help it not only advance values like democracy, human rights and peace within its own structure, but also to promote these values beyond its borders.

In this increasingly interconnected continent and world, Switzerland firmly believes that it, like other states, has a responsibility to tackle global problems and to show solidarity. The stability and development, both social and economic, of Europe and the wider world is in everyone’s interest, including Switzerland’s. This fact is reflected in our foreign policy, which can be summed up in three words: “neutrality, solidarity, and responsibility”.

In keeping with the direction of its foreign policy, Switzerland substantially increased its development aid budget last year. Funding available for the 2013 to 2016 period will be in excess of CHF 11 billion, the equivalent of 0.5% of Switzerland’s gross national income.

At a time when many countries have been forced to cut their aid budgets for financial reasons, the move by Switzerland is a tangible demonstration of its responsibility and solidarity towards Europe and the world. The international cooperation sector has enjoyed the greatest rise in Swiss public spending over the current budgetary period.

Before joining the Council of Europe, Switzerland rightfully spent several years carefully observing the work of the organisation. The momentum generated in Europe at the end of the World War II did not go unnoticed. While the country as a whole cast a benevolent eye on proceedings, some of its citizens became active players in the prevailing European movement. Denis de Rougemont, whom I cited in my introduction, was heavily involved in the 1948 Hague Congress, which was presided over by Winston Churchill. During the closing session, he delivered the self-penned “Message to Europeans”, which was adopted by the Congress, paving the way for establishment of the Council of Europe in 1949. His native Switzerland was still reticent to join, particularly giving the state of international affairs in the years immediately after the end of the World War II.

Nevertheless, Switzerland was finally won over by the intergovernmental nature of the Council of Europe and the values and principles it espoused. By the 1960s, Switzerland realised that membership could serve a useful purpose.

When Switzerland joined, it soon found that working methods in Strasbourg were not so different from its own.

Local and regional development, involvement of civil society, decision-making by consensus, and a rights-based approach are just some of the reasons why Switzerland has a certain affinity with the Council of Europe and the work it carries out.

Switzerland lends particular importance to Council of Europe conventions, whether by actively participating in the drafting process or by ratifying the key texts. Of the 212 Council of Europe conventions that have been opened for ratification to date, Switzerland has ratified 116 and signed a further 13. Generally speaking, Switzerland is willing to accede to Council of Europe Conventions, insofar as it can.

Having said that, Switzerland painstakingly studies each text before reaching a decision on whether to accede or not. For example, it has opted out of signing several texts, not because it does not share their goals but because it has chosen different means to achieve them. To put it succinctly, the problem lies with the method, not the objectives.

Let me illustrate this point with an example that clearly reflects Swiss political culture. Switzerland has yet to adopt the European Social Charter. Why? Because if Switzerland were to apply this Convention “at face value”, it would challenge the major economic and social acquis that we, as a country, deem to be of fundamental importance.

Take the example of the Swiss dual vocational education system. This system, which combines a formal education in a school setting with practical on-the-job training, is a key factor behind our economic success. Indeed, Switzerland has the lowest youth unemployment rate in Europe! Yet, offering our young people real prospects, in other words jobs, is probably the greatest challenge that our continent faces.

Because young people in Switzerland who opt for the vocational route receive a formal education as well as practical training, they are better equipped to adapt quickly to economic realities. In addition, the training that apprentices receive also keeps pace with changing market needs.

Of course, the wages that apprentices earn are lower than those they would earn as fully-qualified workers. Yet, most of their friends at sixth-form college earn nothing while in education. If Switzerland were to sign the European Social Charter, it would jeopardise part of this dual system. According to a purely legal interpretation of the treaty, Switzerland would be forced to review the wage levels of apprentices.

We are currently seeking clarification on this point. We therefore urge that account be taken of policy outcomes rather than strict adherence to process. Perhaps, Rougemont’s idea of politics is about empowering the future rings truest when it comes to youth employment.

By offering young people a good education and job prospects, we are offering them a future. Undoubtedly, the best social policy here is one which generates employment opportunities. However, different policies can lead to similar results. Switzerland is currently in discussion with the European Committee of Social Rights on EU recognition of the qualifications issued by the Swiss dual education system. If successful, Switzerland will be able to sign up to the European Social Charter, without compromising one of its key strengths.

Switzerland adheres strictly – I would say in an exemplary manner – to all texts that it signs. If it realises that it cannot apply them fully, as is the case with the European Social Charter, it prefers to adopt a consistent approach and forego signing them, at least until such time as there is sufficient jurisprudence that will allow it to clarify what its obligations would be.

In this area, as in others, Switzerland is primarily concerned with the implications that outcomes of a given policy would have for its people.

Returning to vocational education, I would also like to add that Switzerland, in keeping with its duty of responsibility and solidarity, plans to launch a large-scale programme to assist with development of vocational education in European countries that do not have a formal system in place, and in particular countries with high youth unemployment rates.

2. Importance of the Council of Europe for the European Continent

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Council of Europe enjoys universal recognition for the part it has played in advancing democracy and the rule of law both in Europe and elsewhere, as well as for the contribution to the only system of its kind in the world dedicated to protecting the individual. Furthermore, many of the mechanisms it has developed are frequently used as benchmarks.

The protection of rights and freedoms has improved in every single country in Europe thanks to mechanisms developed here in Strasbourg. Hopefully, these rights and freedoms will also be granted to those who have yet to enjoy them. I am thinking, in particular, of Belarus, with which, I sincerely hope, dialogue will resume, and of Kosovo which has yet to be admitted to the Council of Europe. This hope also extends to territories, such as the former Soviet Union, that are subject to protracted and intractable conflicts. To achieve this goal, differences first must be resolved. This should continue to be a priority of European efforts and will be at the top of the agenda during Switzerland’s presidency of OSEC in 2014.

The contribution of the Council of Europe to advancement of human rights and the rule of law has had a positive impact on Switzerland too. References to human rights and basic freedoms at the beginning of the new Federal Constitution were largely inspired by the European Convention on Human Rights.

Since Switzerland acceded to the Convention, it has managed to correct a number of flaws in terms of its protection of rights and freedoms. Swiss legislation has also evolved, based on sovereign decisions but shaped by international dialogue, as is customary in the human rights field.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Promoting growth and employment is obviously a priority, if not the priority of most European governments at the present time. Yet, for a country to grow and prosper, it needs to have a stable institutional, legal, social, and economic framework in place. It is therefore no coincidence that the quest for stability goes hand in hand with the quest for prosperity. Stability, which is based on the rules which govern our activities, be they are set by the state or not, is also a partnership that covers society as a whole, or – to use Rousseau’s phrase – a social contract..

The Council of Europe and its conventions play a key role in establishing a coherent and reliable legal space across this continent. It is good for stability, for human development, for creation of a thriving economy, and for a society that can offer its members opportunities.

In terms of oversight, the European Court of Human Rights is undoubtedly the lead authority. Yet, all of the regulatory bodies ensure the coherence and robustness of this system.

In the Swiss value system, individual freedoms and rights take precedence. The European Court of Human Rights is an invaluable mechanism, as it guarantees all individuals the protection of their rights and freedoms against arbitrary actions and state power. The fact that anyone can bring a human rights case against their national government “to Strasbourg” is a vital safeguard.

Of course, states do not like it when the court rules against them. Switzerland is no exception. At the present time, Switzerland is closely studying a recent ruling in which it is implicated. If it concludes that it has a justified counter-case to make, it will make use of legal remedies in place for this purpose and request that the case be referred to the European Court’s Grand Chamber. But acceptance of these rules and the working of institutions which are part of the fabric of society is the sign of a mature democracy.

The European Convention on Human Rights has played a pivotal and essential role in the development of Europe since the second half of the 20th century. By effectively protecting core values such as the right to life, the right to a fair trial, the right to privacy in one’s personal and family life, the freedom of expression, the freedom of thought, the freedom of conscience and religion, the right to peaceful enjoyment of possessions, and even prohibition of torture, forced labour, the death penalty, and arbitrary detention, the European Convention and the European Court of Human Rights are protecting basic values that underpin our continent and humanity.

These values are also enshrined in the Swiss Federal Constitution.

Switzerland welcomes and supports the commitment of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. This commitment reflects the importance of the treaty, and accession will remedy an existing gap in Europe’s human rights provisions. Switzerland welcomes the agreement which negotiators reached recently.

The agreement on EU accession still has some way to go before it can be ratified by the Member States and the European Union.

Clearly, a great deal of work remains before the entire continent of Europe can benefit from a shared human rights monitoring system. All Member States of the Council of Europe, regardless of whether or not they are part of the European Union, will have to maintain their steadfast commitment in order to preserve the integrity and legitimacy of this mechanism.

The standards developed by the Council of Europe enjoy a reach far beyond this continent. They have become benchmarks around the world, and many countries have also acceded to some of the Council’s legal instruments.

Efforts by the Council of Europe to promote individual rights and freedoms have also helped to bolster security on our continent. Peace within our societies, as well as between nations, can only be guaranteed if the rights of individuals are not habitually violated and their freedoms attacked.

Violation of rights and freedoms contribute to instability and insecurity, which in turn have grave consequences for the regions concerned and direct implications for the continent as a whole, particularly in terms of the economy and migration.

It is not a coincidence therefore that extension of basic rights and freedoms goes hand in hand with greater cooperation between States and fewer violent conflicts in Europe.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,

While successive enlargements of the European Community, and later the European Union, may have weakened the influence of the Council of Europe, the end of the Cold War gave the organisation a renewed impetus. Thanks to its expertise, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe as well as the Balkans benefited from fundamental support for their efforts to introduce the rule of law, to democratise their societies, and to safeguard human rights.

Almost all countries in Europe now come to Strasbourg to consolidate and build on their shared heritage, namely the canon of values common to our continent which is the foundation of its stability and security, and on which its prosperity is built. We hope that the very near future will bring a change in circumstances for the two absent States.

The success of the Council of Europe's mission, however, is not a foregone conclusion. Given that the means at its disposal will remain unchanged, it is important that the Council focuses its efforts on its principal value-added, as well as stepping up its cooperation with other international organisations.

Complementarity over competition

One of the priorities of the Swiss presidency of the Committee of Ministers between November 2009 and May 2010 was improving the Council of Europe’s effectiveness. Other priorities included reform of both the European Court of Human Rights and the Council of Europe.

During the Interlaken Conference, which took place in February 2010, justice ministers from all of the Member States agreed on an action plan for reform. Several phases of the plan have since been completed, in particular through adoption of the Izmir and Brighton Declarations.

We are well on track. But we should not forget that we are only at the halfway point of the reform process.

It is vital that we see the Interlaken process through to the end and to maintain our resolve, either as Member States or as part of the Assembly, so that the Court continues to function effectively. At stake is the credibility of Europe’s human rights system.

Switzerland fully supports the efforts Secretary-General Jagland has undertaken since the start of his mandate to reform the Council of Europe. We thank him for the commitment he has shown. During the third summit of the Council of Europe in Warsaw in 2005, the heads of State and Governments of Member States jointly agreed that the organisation should re-focus its activities on its core mission.

This decision is not only right but also essential to ensuring the continued relevance and utility of the Council of Europe in the years ahead.

The Council of Europe has enjoyed a higher profile since 2005. The organisation has become a by-word for preservation and promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law in Europe.

Much has been done since 2009 to ensure that the core missions of the Council of Europe are reflected both in its structure and especially in its practical day-to-day work.

This momentum for reform must remain undiminished. Likewise, we must continue to pursue our efforts with determination.
It will be incumbent upon the new Secretary-General, whom you will elect in June next year, to show the same resolve.

3. Switzerland’s commitment to Europe and beyond

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Switzerland is a land of peace. On a recent visit to Columbia, I met some children and we talked about Switzerland. I could see from the look in the eyes of these children - children who have been displaced by armed conflict, who have experienced the horrors of civil war, from whom everything has been torn away and are now left with nothing – what Switzerland conjures up in their minds. Of course, Switzerland is very fortunate to have enjoyed prolonged peace and prosperity. But with peace and prosperity come duties and responsibilities.

Both in Europe and throughout the world, Switzerland is a staunch advocate of conflict resolution. It helps to resolve conflicts by facilitating dialogue and, in some cases, through mediation. Promotion of human rights, the rule of law, and democracy is a necessary corollary to these efforts.

Thanks to its unrivalled expertise in this area, the Council of Europe is viewed by States as a valuable platform in which they can work together towards peace and prosperity, and the advancement of rights and freedoms. Switzerland will seek to remain a committed member of the Council of Europe and will continue to help the organisation achieve its goals.

Switzerland identifies fully with the form of intergovernmental cooperation practiced within the Council of Europe. The same is also true of the organisation’s activities, for which Switzerland is one of the largest providers of voluntary contributions. The Council of Europe is a highly-valued partner in our own bilateral cooperation projects with several European countries. This is why we resolutely support Council of Europe efforts to assist countries in transition.

Next year, Switzerland will have the privilege of holding the presidency of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. This presidency, which comes at a time of major challenges for the organisation, will require Switzerland to make particular efforts.

One of the most pressing priorities of the Swiss presidency will be encouraging OSEC to reconnect with its capacity for true cooperation and therefore for shared decision-making. OSEC has tended to over-use the line “we agree to disagree”. Perhaps, in the future, it might be better if it used “we disagree to disagree” a little more often. In an organisation where decisions are taken unanimously, much will depend on the willingness of OSEC Member States to embrace change. Many of these States are also members of the Council of Europe and therefore your countries. These developments are crucial if OSEC is to be true to its name, namely an organisation for security in our Europe.

Switzerland views its presidency of OSEC as an opportunity to make a greater contribution to stability and prosperity in Europe and elsewhere. This commitment will allow us to step up our efforts on conflict resolution, mediation, and peace-building, as well as help to advance the rule of law and democratic governance.

There are potential synergies and commonalities between the Council of Europe and OSEC. The two organisations pursue similar objectives and contribute to peace, security, and prosperity across the continent of Europe.

While the primary mission of the Council of Europe is to set and monitor standards in the fields of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, OSEC is concerned, first and foremost, with conflict prevention, crisis management, and post-conflict rehabilitation.

However, we should remember that OSEC also sets politically binding standards on human rights, the rule of law, and democracy. These principles play a key role, particularly in Central Asian countries which do not belong to the Council of Europe.

The two organisations have long cooperated in several areas, such as tolerance and non-discrimination, national minorities, combating human trafficking, and counter-terrorism. In doing so, they have increased the effectiveness of these efforts.

Switzerland would like to see the Council of Europe and OSEC extend collaboration to other areas, particularly where it matters most: on the ground. Switzerland already raised this point in 2010, during its presidency of the Committee of Ministers.

Election monitoring missions, an area in which you, the Parliamentary Assembly, are heavily involved, could also reap the benefits of increased cooperation.

Cooperation between the two Parliamentary Assemblies – and possibly even joint sessions – would certainly provide opportunities to explore these potentials and spur on real and effective cooperation. I respectfully ask you to give some thought to these suggestions.

During its presidency of OSEC in 2014, Switzerland will support all initiatives that could bolster effective cooperation with the Council of Europe.

With a view to bringing this goal a step closer, we intend to host a series of conferences on the subject of national minorities in 2013 and 2014 which will bring together experts from the two organisations.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Values espoused by the Council of Europe have become the norm in Europe and now serve as benchmarks across the world.

One area where our efforts could have a global reach is in the fight against the death penalty, which is also one of the priorities of Switzerland’s human rights policy.

Switzerland is already involved in a number of activities designed to bring about abolition of capital punishment. In 2010, Geneva hosted the Fourth World Congress against the Death Penalty. Switzerland firmly believes that these meetings help to advance the cause of the global campaign against this problem, which is why it is proud to co-sponsor, alongside Spain, Norway, and France, the 2013 World Congress, which will be held this coming June in Madrid.

We are also involved in efforts undertaken by the International Commission against the Death Penalty, an initiative launched by Spain in 2010. Switzerland is now an active member of the support group to the Commission, which has its headquarters in Geneva.

Of course, it will take time to achieve our aim of abolishing capital punishment worldwide. But we have already made good progress. Although the path to global abolition is fraught with pitfalls, at least we can take comfort from the fact that we are moving in the right direction.

I would like to take this opportunity to urge every Member State of the Council of Europe to continue its efforts.

The death penalty is ineffective, illegitimate, and contrary to basic human rights.

I call on Belarus, the last European state to employ the death penalty, and on the United States and Japan – Observer States of the Council of Europe – to re-consider their position. I call on them to make a decisive move towards a moratorium on the death penalty and, ultimately, to abolition. Why? Because it is simply the only fair and proper action to take.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,

“Politics is about empowering the future.” Politics are reflected in the (first innocent, then challenging) faces of the young, the faces of children from Switzerland and Europe, the faces of the 50 young people who will visit and live out the values of the Council of Europe and Switzerland.

Whatever differences we may have, we all want to be able to look into our children’s eyes and see hope for the future, a desire for freedom, the joy of living in peace. We all want to see a smile on their faces that says they live on a continent that is stable, safe, prosperous, and brimming with opportunities.

The future of Europe hinges on fundamental values that shape our common destiny: human rights, basic freedoms, democracy, peace, justice, and the rule of law. It is the future of Europe which galvanises Switzerland’s commitment to the Council of Europe.

Let me close by thanking you, the Assembly, and each and every parliamentarian gathered here today, for the unwavering commitment you have shown to safeguarding these values and thus helping to give the children of Europe a reason to smile.

“For the sake of Europe’s future, let’s give our children a reason to smile”